The missing persons of Baluchistan

BY 

JAHANZEB HUSSAIN

MARCH 4, 2013

I've seen their silent faces
They scream so loud
If they were to speak these words
They’d go missing too
Another woman on the torture table
What else can they do ?
One day we’ll dance on their graves
One day we’ll sing our freedom
One day we’ll laugh in our joy
And we’ll dance (twice)
Hey Mr. Pinochet, you’ve sown a bitter crop
It’s foreign money that supports you
One day the money is going to stop
No wages for your torturers
No budget for your guns
Can you think of your own mother
Dancin’ with her invisible son?

These lines taken from 'They Dance Alone,' a protest song composed by the English musician Sting and dedicated to the persons who went missing during the reign of terror unleashed by the military dictatorships in Chile and Argentina, which also fully depicts the grief and the determination of the mothers, sisters, daughters, sons, wives, brothers and fathers of the persons who have gone missing in Baluchistan like in the southern cone of Latin America in 70's and 80's.

The song is a metaphor referring to mourning Chilean women who dance the Cueca, the national dance of Chile, carrying the photographs of their disappeared loved ones in their hands. The last lines addressed to Pinochet could very well be addressed to the generals of Pakistan army.

In Argentina the missing persons were called Desaparecidos. The people of Baluchistan have their own term for their missing persons: Bygwahiin -- those without any witness. They do not have any witness who can testify to their present status, whether they are alive or dead.

 Those who have gone missing cannot be mourned until the day their mutilated body is found in some deserted place, killed and then dumped by the paramilitary forces and the secret services of the Pakistan Armed Forces. The tragedy which has been unfolding in Baluchistan for the last ten years is the direct result of the license given to the Pakistan Army by the international powers in exchange for the facilitation it provides to them in the so-called War on Terror.

The parents and children of the Bygwahiin have set up a camp in front of the Press Club of Quetta where they protest silently, carrying the portraits of their missing near and dear ones. The Baluch resistance media and the Urdu service of the BBC have been lifting the veil on the extent of the missing persons' phenomenon in Baluchistan, how they are kidnapped and how their mutilated bodies are discovered.

The interviews of the close relatives reported by these media, and the special report of Human Rights Watch on the missing persons of Baluchistan entitled, "We can torture, kill and keep you as long as we like," give a blood-chilling account of the bestiality of the Pakistan security apparatus which should, if justice and impartiality were to prevail, lead to the arraignment of those responsible for these acts before the International Crimes Court.

Saman is 20 years-old and a daughter of one of the Bygwahiin. She is post-graduate student in chemistry at the University of Baluchistan in Quetta. Every day she, on one pretext or other, takes leave from her teachers in order to join the other protesting parents in front of the Press Club.

As she does not want others to know of her identity, she put on a Burqa and silently slips among the wives, mothers and daughters of the other missing persons. Saman does not like telling lies to her teachers but at the same time she is afraid of their reaction if she informed them of the true reasons for her absence.

Saman's father, Dr. Din Mohammad, was a member of the executive committee of the Baluchistan National Movement, a perfectly legal political party which is fighting for the democratic rights of Baluch people and against the arbitrary practices of the security forces. He was a physician in the government hospital of Arnaj near the city of Khuzdar which is about 200 kilometers from Quetta.

In the night of 28 June 2009, about a dozen persons in civil dress descended from two pick-up trucks in front of his house situated within the precincts of the hospital. They knocked on his door. Guessing some foul play, he refused to open the door. It was broken open; Dr. Din Mohammad was tied up and tossed into one of the vehicles. Since then, his family who live in Quetta, is without news of him. All attempts on their part to contact the authorities were fruitless. Thus, one more family was added to the relatives of the other Bygwahiin. The family fears that someday his mutilated body, like many others, will be found in some deserted place. Saman has become so depressed due to this state of permanent tension that she prays to God that, if after all the fate of her father is to be killed, then better it be soon so that the family may be delivered of the constant pain and wait.

In the protest camp, Saman came across another student of the University of Baluchistan, Farzana, whose brother, Zakir, a masters student and activist of the Baloch Students Organisation was kidnapped eight months ago. Contrary to Saman, Farzana does not hide her commitment and her fury. She held a press conference to demand that the whereabouts of her brother be revealed. She went with some other relatives of Bygwahiin to Karachi and Islamabad to stage protests. She has no confidence in the state authorities, judicial system and the political parties of Pakistan. She now reads, among other things, the biography of Che Guevara, the novel Spartacus and dreams of the day when she could take her revenge against the bloody drama which is being staged in Baluchistan.

There are thousands of families in Baluchistan who are mourning their missing relatives. The five year old son of Jalil Reiki, a leader of the Baluchistan Republican Party, at last saw his father three years after he was kidnapped -- but in what shape! During that time his mother consoled him that his father was away in Karachi for some business. Recently, the mutilated body of Reiki was found near the Iranian border. His face was so disfigured that he could only be recognized due to his identity card which was found in the pocket of his shirt. The grandfather made it a point to show Jalil's dead body to his grandson, informing him of the fate that the Pakistani state reserves for the sons of Baluchistan.

Among the Bygwahiin, there is an 80 year-old man who belongs to the Qalandrani tribe. According to his son, he can hardly stand, what to say of wielding a gun. Many other members of Qalandrani tribe young and old were picked up by the security forces because this tribe is suspected of harboring sympathies for the insurgents. The mutilated body of one of the young men, who was a member of the Baloch Students Organization, was recently discovered.

There are also three minors among the Bygwahiin; the youngest one being 12 years-old. He, along with his 14 year-old cousin, was playing in a street when they were picked up by soldiers of Frontier Constabulary -- the dreaded FC -- a paramilitary force headed by Pakistan army officers. The crime of these two children was to have inquired around them about the circumstances of the disappearance of their uncle.

Students are the favorite targets of the security forces. Most of the missing students were members of the Baloch Students Organization. Many of them were picked up from campuses. According to a professor of the University of Baluchistan, he has lost 16 of his students.

In its report on the missing persons of Baluchistan, Human rights Watch has documented 45 cases of forced disappearances, most of which occurred in 2009 and 2010. The kidnappings are usually carried out by armed men in civil dress, driving in pick-up trucks. Witnesses describe them as men of  Pakistan's intelligence agencies -- ISI, Military Intelligence and Intelligence Bureau.

Pakistan's army and its intelligence agencies maintain secret detention centers all over the province. Even though these agencies care little about the social or political status of its victims, their task becomes easier when the victim is a relatively less known person. They keep them in their detention centers for as long as they like. The main detention center called Kuli Camp is situated near Quetta.

Human Rights Watch, in its report, gives a young man's account of torture inflicted on him at Kuli Camp:

I was stripped naked, tied-up and strung to the ceiling. My face was covered and many men beat me up with batons. They had only one question and only one reproach: why you Baloch want independence? When I was finally brought down I could hardly stand and my entire body was covered with blood.

According to Human Rights Watch, the climate of fear prevailing in Baluchistan due to the forced disappearances has become unbearable for the relatives of the missing persons. They are afraid of contacting the authorities for inquiring about the whereabouts of their relatives. They fear that if they did so they will go missing as well.

The exact number of missing persons is not known but the interior minister of Pakistan admitted in 2008 that there were 1102 cases of missing persons in Baluchistan. According to the latest Human Rights Watch report, "the situation of human rights is worsening; the forced disappearances of Baloch activists by the army, the intelligence agencies and Frontier Constabulary are continuing. Pakistan army continues to resist the attempts of the government to reconcile with the Baloch groups and its efforts to locate the missing persons." According to Pakistani press reports, 70 dead bodies of the missing persons have been found between July 2010 and February 2011.

Pakistan has not yet signed the international covenant on the protection of all persons against forced disappearance. Although it has signed the covenant on civil and political rights as well as the convention against torture, it has neither the political will nor the institutional possibilities of implementing them.

Strangely enough, while the international press is so prolix about the terrorist danger against Western countries emanating from Pakistan, silence is maintained regarding the not so secret war waged by the Pakistani military machine against its own people.

The Bygwahiin of Baluchistan deserve the same level of international solidarity as did theDesaparecidos of Argentina and Chile. It is only international solidarity which can make Pakistan accountable in front of international justice.

Jahanzeb Hussain is the editor of Collateral Damage magazine, where this article first appeared. He is a 24-year old student based in Vancouver, Canada, where he goes to Simon Fraser University.

Cry for freedom! Sindhu Desh & Balochistan: Shafi Muhammad Burfat

MAY 31, 2013 

Shafi Muhammad Burfat

its Pakistan, generally known as the irresponsible, unnatural and the theocratic state in the establishment, military institutions act brutally against the nation. They had conspired against two oppressed nations namely Sindhis and Baloch. They always carry out fascist operations against Sindhis and Baloch pro-independence political parties. Except this, different political workers of Sindhu Desh and Balochistan were also abducted, burnt alive and brutally killed by state institutions ofPakistan i.e. ISI (Inter Service Intelligence) and MI (Military Intelligence).

Those freedom fighters and activists of JSMM who were burnt alive in the streets and killed by tortured to death by Pakistan’s security agencies include: Bhutto Muzafar, Khuhawar Sirai Qurban, Kalhoro Samiullah, Cholyani Rooplo, Tunio Noorullah, Kolachi Zulifqar. On the other side same kind of fascist oppression is taking place in Balochistan. Thousands of Baloch political freedom activists who follow the ideology of an independent Balochistan, have been abducted, imprisoned for years, tortured and killed in custody. Their bodies were found in desolated areas across Balochistan.

Some of the top Baloch pro-liberation Baloch leaders have also been killed by the brutal state ofPakistani during military operations and other inhuman acts. Those leaders include: Nawab Akbar Bugti, Balach Marri, Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, Lala Munir Baloch and Sher Mohammad Baloch and till today thousands of Baloch activists are languishing in Pakistan’s torture cells.

Being a son of soil and the political leader of JSMM I am forcibly compelled by this state to live in exile from past 24 years. Till today I am facing threats from Pakistani institutions so that I may not strive for the freedom of Sindhu Desh. Since 2004, the military institutions of theocratic state of Pakistanare carrying out a brutal operation against the activists of JSMM (Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz). As a result of, most of the Central Committee members of JSMM have been abducted by Pakistani ISI and MI brutally killed during captivity. The state victims include: Majid Memon, Shaheed Babar Sandelo, Mushtaque Khaskheli and Asad Abbasi.

Pakistan military is carrying out similar operations against Baloch freedom loving leaders and activists. Baloch patriotic leaders like Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch is forced take refuge in mountains whereas Mir Hyrbyair Marri, one of the most consistent and influenced leaders of Balochistanfreedom movement, and Brahumdagh Bugti, the head of Baloch Republican Party are compelled to live in exile. Some great intellectuals of Sind including Keerat Babbani, Ghansham Parkash and several others are compelled also to live in exile. The Pakistan intelligence agencies and army even do not hesitate to kill our intellectuals like Professor Ali Buland Solangi and Professor Saba Dashtyari.

Above mentioned example of state’s brutality and Sindhi and Baloch people prove that the world has to tackle two issues. The first one is to get rid of religious dogmas and the other one is the freedom of all oppressed nations. The above two problems are challenging for the whole international community. The reason for this is that the Pakistan is a theocratic state in which Sindh andBalochistan are occupied and its ideology is fully religious but with the freedom of Sindh andBalochistan we can get rid from religious extremism and fundamentalism.

I would like to remind all secular and democratic states of the world that in 1952, addressing Vienna Conference the leader of Sindh G.M Syed has advised Europe and America, who were supporting and adhering religious groups in Pakistan, that one day these religious group will cause trouble for Europe and America. Europe and America did not pay any attention to what Syed said at that time, but today whole world is victim of these conservative Jihadis and their terrorist activities.

Today as a disciple of G.M Syed I would to raiset the same issue before European countries and American President Barak Obama that by aiding an un-natural irresponsible country, you are actually mistaken because with your financial, military and technical aid is not only being used against occupied Sindhis and Baloch, but the Pakistani state will use this support against Western democratic countries and will finance and organize the Jihadist groups. Hence, not only Central Asia and South Asia but whole world – its peace, security, political and social stability will be on risk.

We have been the guardian of peace and prosperity of the whole world for thousands of years. OurSindh has always preached one philosophy, that we call today G.Mism who’s basic points have remained unity of human beings, universal peace and development of mankind. Our ancestor wrote “Rag-Veda” on the bank of Sindhu River and laid down the world’s best cultural and traditional and humanitarian Hindu-mat. Every single line of Veda preaches peace, humanism, stability and tolerance. That is the reason, in every age; Sindh has always remained a beautiful bouquet of different religions.

Sindh’s Sufis and Jogis by combining the universal concept of oneness and humanity have laid the foundation of universal religion of humanity. For the growth of that religion of love and peace, we are putting forward our question of freedom of our Motherland Sindh in front of the entire world. Because our Motherland Sindh, which has been contributing in world’s development and humanitarian dignity for thousands of years, is today victim of religious extremism and is enslaved by Punjabi imperialism. Our politics, economy, geographical boundaries, even though Sindhu River, where on its banks our ancestors wrote Ragh-veda and preached peace, security and prosperity. ThatSindhu River has been dried and enslaved by Pakistani state and Punjabi imperialism.

Freedom of Sindh and Balochistan is necessary for world peace as well. Because Sindhi and Baloch have their own political and social view point of tolerance and brotherhood against religious extremism and fundamentalism. I want to warn NATO countries, the president of America and strategic think-tanks, that you can’t bring peace through arms only, but u have to accompany the political and social ideology of tolerance and brotherhood of Sindh and Balochistan, against religious extremism and fundamentalism. European countries, America including all democratic and secular countries should support the freedom movement of Sindh and Balochistan. We can uproot religious extremism and fundamentalism through our ideological strength. Our national freedom will contribute in the world peace and prosperity but the cost of NATO, America and European countries occurring in the war on terror will also narrow down.

The world should understand that in state of Pakistan Sindhi and Balcoh nations are in favour of religious tolerance, world’s stability and human brotherhood, and on the contrary Pakistan military, Punjabi and Pathan nations are fundamentalists and religious extremists. As for as the state ofPakistan exists the Sindhi and Baloch nations will be under a continuous threat of genocide, but the religious extremism of Pathan and Punjabi nations will get access to the rest of the world through Seas of Sindh and Balochistan.

I appeal to the all countries of the world, if you believe in the democracy, secularism, religious tolerance, cultural collaboration and human brotherhood, and are against religious illiterates, then you have to support the Sindh and Balochistan, both as Free states. In this context, I want to clear one point on world community that Ideology of G.M Syed, in such circumstances is inevitable reality for bringing peace and prosperity in mankind. If the world do not play its role to support and recognise our national freedom, it will be also held responsible in keeping us enslaved. Indeed our enslaved nations will be a role model for cultured countries.

Long live International solidarity!

Long live the Sindhi and Baloch people’s struggle for freedom!

Pakistan’s Hidden War : The Kill and Dump Policy in Balochistan

February 14, 2013

Will the international community end its silence on the Kill and Dump policy used by the Pakistani government against the people of Balochistan?

Pakistan’s Hidden War : The Kill and Dump Policy in Balochistan

By Mosa Zahed & Hamid Yazdan Panah

Baloch Children protest in front of the Karachi Press Club – February 10th 2013 (Via http://baluchsarmachar.wordpress.com)

There is an urgent humanitarian crisis in the Balochistan province of Pakistan. This crisis is underreported, uninvestigated and ongoing.

Throughout Balochistan, hundreds of ethnic Baloch have been abducted by Pakistani Security forces and killed while in custody, with their bodies dumped shortly thereafter- in what has been been widely referred to as the ‘Kill and Dump’ policy. Often times the bodies of the slain bear marks of brutal torture and mutilation.  These actions are undertaken in the name of counter insurgency, yet they represent a grave violation of human rightsand judicial due process.

In a 2012 briefing, Amnesty International noted, “According to our own research at least 249 Baloch activists, teachers, journalists and lawyers have disappeared or been murdered between 24 October 2010 and 10 September 2011 alone, many in so-called ‘kill and dump’ operations.”  The advocacy group, Voice for Missing Baloch, has estimated that 8,000 people have been kidnapped over the past nine years, with 1,500 individual bodies having been recovered.

The ‘Kill and Dump’ policy began under the rule of President Pervez Musharraf, but has continued under the current government.  The policy focuses on the detainment of Baloch activists, holding them incommunicado for days or even weeks during which they are subjected to torture, interrogation and execution. Upon killing the men in custody, authorities dump the bodies of their victims, sending a brutal message to the Baloch community. The extrajudicial detainment and execution allows for authorities to escape all forms of oversight, legal standards, or accountability.

Targeted Killings Against Dissidents

Killings have not been limited to Baloch militants, but have also targeted opposition leaders, human rights activists, and academics who have been critical of the Pakistani military.

The body of human rights defender Siddique Eido was recovered bearing marks of torture and a gunshot wound to the head. (Photo Courtesy of frontlinedefenders.org)

The killing of Siddique Eido, is a shocking example of the targeted killing of human rights activists. Eido was a human rights coordinator for the NGO, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). On December 21st, 2010 Eido and Yousaf Nazar were travelling back from a court appearance in the city of Gwadar, accompanied by four policemen.  According to reports, both men were abducted by men in state security uniforms and were taken away in vehicles similar to those used by the state security forces.

As weeks passed with no word of Eido’s whereabouts or status, HRCP urged authorities to investigate the issue. In a letter to the Balochistan chief minister, HRCP urged the authorities to act; “At the very least, statements of the four policemen of Pasni Police Station accompanying Mr Eido at the time of his abduction must be recorded and they should be asked to provide as much information as they can about the identity of his abductors.”

The bodies of both men were discovered on April 28th, bearing marks of torture. In a statement released by HRCPafter the recovery of Eido’s body, HRCP pointed out that the condoning of criminality by the government amounted to complicity in Eido’s murder, “HRCP is disappointed beyond words by the degree of official inaction and callousness which amounts to collusion in Siddique`s murder.”

Another shocking case of targeted killings was the shooting of Saba Dashtyari, a prominent Baloch professor, poet, and scholar.  Dashtiyari taught Islamic studies at the University of Balochistan, in Quetta and was an open critic of the government in Islamabad. On June 1st, 2011 Dashtiyari was shot dead by unidentified gunmen, while walking on a public street in Quetta.  Dashtiyari had publicly backed the cause of an independent Balochistan.

Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch, cited the killing as an example of Pakistan’s failure to investigate the murder of dissidents, saying; “The government’s failure to open a credible investigation into the killing of someone as prominent as Saba Dashtiyari only adds fuel to the fire of anger and suspicion in the province.”

The targeting of dissidents and activists undermines claims by the Government that their efforts are focused on fighting terrorism and insurgency. These killings, and the terror they induce, is part of a broader campaign to intimidate the population and silence their demands for justice and accountability from the government. The dumping of mutilated bodies is meant to send a direct message as to what is in store for those who defy the state.

The ‘Kill and Dump’ policy continues to this day in Balochistan. According to the International Voice for Baloch Missing Persons, 38 disappearances and at least 12 extra judicial killings have occurred so far in 2013.

Culture of Impunity
Behind each of these crimes is a culture of impunity which puts the perpetrators above the law. Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific Director noted,”These atrocities are carried out with flagrant impunity. Credible investigations into these incidents – resulting in prosecutions – are absolutely necessary to establish some trust between the Baloch people and the Pakistan government.”

First he went to the courts but then his lawyer was shot dead. Then he went to the media but the local press club president was killed. Now, Rahim says, “nobody will help in case they are targeted too. We are hopeless.”

The impunity given to security forces and the lack of recourse for family members has left Baloch citizens with no one to turn to for justice. Those who do try to pursue the cases of their loved ones are often threatened with additional violence and the risk becoming targets themselves. The feeling of helplessness and despair is captured perfectly in Declan Walsh’s article for the Guardian, describing the case of Abdul Rahim from Khuzdar, “He produces court papers detailing the abduction of his son Saadullah in 2009. First he went to the courts but then his lawyer was shot dead. Then he went to the media but the local press club president was killed. Now, Rahim says, “nobody will help in case they are targeted too. We are hopeless.”

For the families of the slain, the pain of losing a loved one to such a brutal death is only made worse by the inaction of authorities. The inability for Baloch to receive any form of due process while in custody, or any effective judicial remedies, serves to delegitimize the authority of the Pakistani government. As a result of this impunity, Baloch citizens will continue to reject the policies of Islamabad as corrupt and unjust.

QUETTA, Pakistan: Student pass at a street during protest rally for the recovery of their leader, Shahzaib Baloch, arranged by Balochistan Students Organization (Azad) in Quetta on Saturday, April 18, 2009. (Via baluchsarmachar.wordpress.com)

Lack of International Attention

To date, the humanitarian crisis in Balochistan has received little attention, and almost no concrete action from the international community. Western governments have continued to subsidize Pakistan’s military, while largely ignoring the actions of the army in Balochistan. Recently, the issue has been noted at the highest levels of government in the United States and the EU, but has yet to result in any real pressure on the Pakistani government.

“The fate of thousands taken by state officials or those acting on their behalf, held out of sight and without charge, denied access to lawyers and loved ones, remains unknown to this day.”

NGO’s have highlighted the issue as a humanitarian crisis. In an open letter to the Pakistani government, Amnesty International urged the government to end the “Crisis of Enforced Disappearances.” The statement focused on the ‘Kill and Dump’ policy, stating, “The fate of thousands taken by state officials or those acting on their behalf, held out of sight and without charge, denied access to lawyers and loved ones, remains unknown to this day.”

The United States Mission in Geneva expressed its concern over the ongoing ‘Kill and Dump’ policy in a statement release on October 30th, 2012: “We note with deep concern the ongoing violence in Balochistan. Security forces continue to be involved in “kill-and-dump” operations that target numerous civil society actors, including Baloch activists and their family members, as well as journalists, activists, and student leaders.”

The statement also called on the government of Pakistan to “investigate operations aimed at silencing dissent in Balochistan.” Yet the United States, which provides over a billion dollars in military funding to Pakistan, has done little to ensure that these policies are changed.

The issue was also raised by Alexander Alvaro, Member of European Parliament and member of South Asia Peace Forum (SAPF) in November of 2012. Alvaro criticized the Pakistani government for its human rights record, and called on the international community to take a firm stand against the atrocities carried out against the Baloch people. Avaro asked the Vice-President of the European Commission, “Does the European Union envisage the appointment of a special rapporteur for Baluchistan to conduct, with the assistance of the international human rights organisation.”

Such an appointment could send a message to Islamabad that these matters have not gone unnoticed by the international community, and an independent investigation could finally bring some clarity to disputed facts and numbers.

The institutional discrimination against ethnic minorities is a humanitarian issue which is recognized globally. Yet the plight of the Baloch people has received little attention compared to other humanitarian issues in the Middle East and South Asia.

To date, the international community has failed in its humanitarian obligation to address the issue of the Baloch people. The West must unequivocally condemn the policies of the Pakistani government and insist that a minimum standard of human rights be upheld in Balochistan.

Photo’s of missing Baloch are displayed at a public protest in front of the Karachi Press Club (via http://baluchsarmachar.wordpress.com)

Conclusion

Balochistan not only faces state violence and discrimination, but it also faces deep-seated economic inequality.  Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province, and given its natural resources and strategic position, arguably its most important. Yet it is also Pakistan’s poorest province, with 52 percent of households living below the poverty line, according to a poverty survey carried out by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI).  Despite Balochistan’s extensive wealth in natural resources, the lack of infrastructure or educational opportunities in the State has lead many Baloch to feel cheated.

The Pakistani government has attempted to address the deep-seated inequalities in Balochistan with the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package in November 2009, which promised no new military cantonments, a commission to investigate disappearances, and compensation for gas royalties.  But Baloch activists maintain that the package has done little to address the issues faced by the Baloch, and has not ended the ‘Kill and Dump’ policy of the armies.

The future of Balochistan remains to be seen. A just and lasting resolution to this issue requires the building of trust and a commitment to judicial standards and accountability. The culture of impunity, and the use of extreme violence by the State not only serves to terrorize the population of Balochistan, but it destroys their faith in the governments ability to protect them or bring justice. These realities will not only destroy the legitimacy of the Pakistani government in the region, but will remove any incentive the Baloch have to put aside violence as a means to have their voices heard.

A lasting peace in Balochistan can never be based on repression and the denial of basic human rights. The Pakistani government must begin a new policy towards the region which should include recognizing the legitimate grievances of the Baloch and once and for all ending the ‘Dump and Kill’ policy.

Mosa Zahed is Chairman and Executive Director of Near East Observatory.
His focus includes legislative advocacy and public policy. 

Hamid Yazdan Panah is Vice Chairman of Near East Observatory.
He is also an attorney and Human Rights activist, and has Baloch ancestry from his paternal side.

Baloch nationalists fight Pakistan at polls

Stuck between bullets and ballots, residents of Balochistan are caught between separatist fighters and state forces. Asad Hashim

Quetta, Pakistan - As in most other parts of the country, the Pakistani government - both national and provincial - has been lambasted for failing to deliver basic governance and services to the people of Balochistan. In this province, however, citizens have a more pressing complaint against the state: the lack of provision of basic rights to the provinces’ ethnic Baloch (and Brahui) residents, and a sustained campaign of disappearances and killings of Baloch rights activists, allegedly carried out by the government’s intelligence agencies and the military. More than 2,200 Baloch citizens - Balochistan’s “disappeared” - have gone missing without a trace since 2005, says the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP), a Baloch rights group. The bodies of more than 400 more have been found dumped, often on the side of the road, in various parts of Balochistan since 2009, the group says. As the country gears up for a general election, though, Baloch nationalist political parties have once again decided to enter the fold of electoral politics, after boycotting the last such polls in 2008. “We are accused that we do not work within democratic politics, and are simply trying to break away from the State,” Dr Jehanzeb Jamaldini, senior vice-president of the Mengal faction of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M), told Al Jazeera. “So to try and dispel that impression, we are coming forth to take part in the elections, to be a part of the democratic process.” Jamaldini accuses the country’s civilian and military establishment of having created a “fake leadership” in Balochistan, to occupy seats in the provincial and national assembly and rubber stamp the State’s policies. He holds these politicians - many of whom are Baloch tribal leaders - responsible for the fact that Balochistan currently has the worst infrastructure and lowest indicators for social development (such as health and education) of any province in the federation. There does appear, however, to be a contradiction at play in the BNP-M’s stance on these elections. On the one hand, party activists and leaders say they are determined to pursue the issue of Baloch rights through parliamentary democracy, but, on the other, leaders like Jamaldini also say they have no expectation that “the real controllers” (his term for the military and state intelligence agencies) will ever change their mindset. “Our establishment is deaf and dumb to the reality of the outcome of their policies,” he says. “They didn’t learn when East Pakistan gained independence as Bangladesh [in 1971], and they aren’t learning now “I remain pessimistic about the establishment changing its mindset. They want to bring a ‘controlled parliament’, and they especially want to squeeze and marginalise the BNP, in order to destroy its image among the people.” Between a rock and the rebels There are also two strains of Baloch nationalists: those who are operating political parties, and those who have been fighting an ongoing armed rebellion against the state since 2005, and reject the idea of elections outright. Baloch student activists organise at the University of Balochistan in Quetta [Asad Hashem/Al Jazeera] “[Armed rebel groups] have said to the political parties that they would not allow the Pakistan government to, in the name of elections, again deceive us. And we request and appeal to [the nationalists] not to take part in the elections,” says Abdul Hakeem Lehri, a central leader of the Baloch Republican Party (BRP), one of the main political parties fighting for separation from the state. “Of course, there is a war. In the war, there will be violence. [...] We want peace, but not at the cost of slavery,” he told Al Jazeera, when speaking of the threat posed to Baloch nationalist parties by those “in the mountains”, as the local euphemism for the numerous armed groups goes. “Our party believes in the independence of Balochistan. The Baloch people want to be independent and want an independent country. Because we are slaves here,” he says. “Elections are not our problem. That is Pakistan's problem. Our problem is that Pakistan must leave from here and give the power and independence to the Baloch.” Jamil Bugti, the son of Baloch tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was killed (allegedly by the state) in 2006, agrees with that assessment, and feels nationalist parties have been “tricked” into accepting the writ of the state by taking part in elections. “Even if they form a government - I don’t think that will happen, but hypothetically speaking, let’s say it does happen - even then Balochistan’s issues will not be resolved, because […] power will not be transferred. It will be in the same hands as it has been in the last 65 years,” he told Al Jazeera. “This will be a show, to show that nationalists have come into the Baloch government through ‘free and fair elections’. “I have told my brother - who leads his faction of the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) - the same thing, that you are being trapped. That the issues will not be resolved.” (Talal Bugti, the brother in question, whose JWP is taking part in the polls, when asked by Al Jazeera if he agreed with his brother’s assessment said that he, too, had “no expectation that things will change for the Baloch”. “I am,” he said, “just waiting for a miracle.) Government response The government rejects accusations of having suppressed the Baloch or Baloch rights, with the provincial home secretary Akbar Durrani telling Al Jazeera that “99.9 percent of Baloch are patriotic to Pakistan […] and 0.1 percent want to take them hostage”. “They always say it is a handful of people [who are fighting for independence],” says Jamil Bugti. “If that is the case, why don’t you hold a referendum, under the UN? Because if you do, you’ll see that it is the other way around: 99 percent want to opt out of Pakistan.” “Elections,” he says, “are not the solution to the Baloch problem. The solution lies in a re-demarcation of the province”, with Pashtun-majority areas in the north allowed to decide their own fate, and those in the southern and eastern Baloch belt (including parts of present-day Punjab and Sindh provinces) allowed to choose their own path. It is a view shared by several nationalist activists Al Jazeera has spoken to. Between a lack of faith in the electoral process, and continuing threats from armed Baloch nationalists to those seen taking part in the elections, particularly in rural areas, a low voter turnout is expected in these polls, residents of several districts told Al Jazeera. “The people of Balochistan have now decided that they will not accept anything: only independence,” says Lehri, the BRP leader. “It's not just my party. The whole of Balochistan is refusing it. Either the people who are resisting, in the mountains and the cities, the Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Republican Army or Baloch Liberation Front, or so many other groups, fighting against them. They will not recognise it.” Lehri lays the blame for the armed conflict squarely at the door of the state, and its policies in the province. “They say that the Baloch are fighting against Pakistan. We are not fighting against Pakistan, Pakistan is fighting against us.” Lashkari Raisani, a Baloch tribal leader and candidate for the provincial assembly, however, rejects that idea, instead terming the armed groups campaign of targeted killings of non-Baloch citizens in the province a “genocide”. Raisani, who resigned from his Senate seat last year over the issue of Baloch rights, accuses the leaders of the armed struggle for independence of being “protected” by the United Kingdom and Switzerland, and terms them “so-called nationalists”. “[The armed groups] are threatening us have been violating human rights conventions, they are war criminals. They are involved in the genocide of settler Balochistanis,” he told Al Jazeera at his party’s campaign office in Quetta, the provincial capital. “Democracy is the only way that we can come out of these crises,” he said. “We are striving towards establishing a democratic tradition. Victory has always been through a democratic and peaceful struggle. The terrorists always lose.” Trust deficit Whether democracy or the way of the gun are the routes to Baloch rights, however, all parties in the province agree that the Baloch have been deprived of their share of development, and that the situation needs addressing. “We are hoping some change comes with the nationalist parties,” says Hashim Khan Baloch, a 25-year-old Baloch student activist from the town of Noshki, “but we don’t see it. Even now, people are being disappeared in Makran division. In my own area I have seen people be detained by unidentified people just for electioneering.” Khalid Baloch, 25, a Baloch Students Organisation (BSO) activist from Kharan, says that there is some hope that, if nationalist parties win enough seats in the provincial assembly, things could “cool down”. “They are at least representative of us,” he said. Several activists said they were also concerned at the threat posed by armed groups to those who took part in the elections, however. “Before, we knew our enemies were external,” says Khan Baloch, referring to the state’s intelligence and security services. “Now the enemies are even within our midst.” “Those in the mountains,” says Khalid, “They don’t accept Pakistan at all. And on fundamental issues, I agree with them. Today, no Baloch has received justice from the state. Several of our students have been disappeared from outside their classes by the [paramilitary] Frontier Corps. So why would people accept Pakistan?” All agree, however, that it is the issue of the disappeared people, and those whose bodies have been found, that drives a push towards the armed groups’ point of view. The armed campaign against the state, and the state’s suppression of it, has created an atmosphere of distrust and unease, residents of Quetta and other districts alike say. Ultimately, it is this trust deficit that all nationalist forces - whether armed, taking part in the elections or boycotting them - can agree on. “There is a trust deficit here,” says Jamaldini, the BNP-M leader. “The government has used the Quran to bring people out to negotiate, and then killed or captured them. “Someone would have to be crazy to come down from the mountains to speak to them.” Raisani, Lehri and both younger and elder Bugti all endorsed that view. As one shopkeeper on Quetta’s Saryab road - known locally as “Gaza”, for the frequency of disappearances and violent incidents that occur in the area - put it, when asked what he thought of the nationalists’ chances at the polls this year: “I can’t speak about it. I don’t know if you are with the intelligence agencies ... and you don’t know if I am.” Follow Asad Hashim on Twitter: @AsadHashim

جنگ کیوں ضروری ہے

                                                                  

                                                                  جنگ کیوں ضروری ہے

(BANUK YASMEEN BAKHSH BALOCH)

کسی نے سقراط سے پوچھا جنگ کیا ہے؟ امن کیا ہے؟

سقراط نے جواب دیا "امن" وہ زمانہ ہے جب جوان بوڑھوں کی لاشوں کو کندھوں پر اٹھا کے قبرستان میں دفن کرتے ہیں اور "جنگ" وہ زمانہ ہے جب بوڑھے جوانوں کی لاشوں کو اپنے کمزور اور ضعیف کندھوں پر اٹھا کر قبرستان پہنچاتے ہیں"-

ماہر عمرانیات کے مطابق امن نام کی کوئی شئے سرے سے ہی موجود نہیں اور جسے ہم امن کہتے ہیں وہ جنگوں کے درمیان وقفے کا نام ہوتا ھے، جس میں اقوام یا آرام کررہے ہوتے ہیں یا دوسری جنگ کی تیاری - ہم نے اکثر یہی سنا ہے کہ جنگ کسی مسئلے کا حل نہیں. جنگ تباہی لاتی ہے. بربادی لاتی ہے، آرزوں اور خوابوں کو قتل کرتی ہے- شہروں کو برباد کرتی ہے، بارود بے حس ہوتا ہے، بے شعور ہوتاہے وہ کسی کی بھی پرواہ نہیں کرتا- اس کا کام تباہی پھیلانا ہے اور موت بانٹنا ہے، جنگ بچوں کو یتیم کرتی ہے- عورتوں کو بیوہ کرتی ہے، انسان کو شرف انسانیت سے محروم کرتی ہے، جنگ بھوک و افلاس معزوری اور دکھ لاتی ہے، خوشیوں سے محروم کرتی ہیں اور امیدوں کو دفن کرتی ہے غرض جنگ کسی مسئلے کا حل نہیں- اس کے برعکس ھم سب کو پر امن رہنا چاہیے،کہ امن خوشیوں کی نوید ہے، امن خواب خواب ہے اور امن تعبیر بھی امن آرزوں اور امنگوں کا موسم بہار ہے امن ہی شرف انسانیت ہے امن راحت جاں ہے امن چین کی بانسری ہے پرسکون نیند ہے امن، امن انسانیت کی ضرورت ہے امن گیت ہے، امن ہی سنگیت ہے- امن بس امن- اسی لیے دنیا کا شاید ہی کوئی فنکار ہوگا جو جنگ سے نفرت کا اظہار نہ کرتا ہو-

دنیا کے اہل قلم کی اکثریت نے ھمیشہ جنگ کے خلاف گیت لکھے، قصے تراشے، سماج میں جنگ گریز رجحانات کی ترویج کی-

جب انہی اھلء قلم کی دھرتی پر ظالموں کا قبضہ ہوا، جبر کا راج ہوا، استحصال کی دیو نے دھرتی کے معصوم انسانوں کی آذادی پر شب خون مارا، زمین کے محکوم انسان پر اس نے اپنے خونی پنجے گاڑے، تو ایسے میں انہی قلم کاروں نے اپنے قلم کو ہتھیار بنا لیے- جنگی ترانے لکھے- جنگوں کی کہانیاں بیان کیں اور اپنے عوام کو جبر کے خلاف اٹھ کھڑے ہونے اور لڑنے کی ترغیب دی- اگر اہلء قلم جنگ کے خوف سے ظالم کو ظالم کہنا چھوڑ دیں تو سماج کیسا ھوگا؟ ظالم اور مظلوم کی لڑائی میں اہلء قلم اپنے قلم کو مظلوم کے حق میں ہتھیار نہیں بناتا تو وہ قلم کا سب سے بڑا گناہگار ھوگا-جنگ ھمیشہ ظالم اور مظلوم کے درمیان لڑی جاتی ہے- ظالم کی طرف سے جنگ کا اھم مقصد تیز رفتار فتح کے ذریعے مظلوم کو غلام بنانا اور اس کے ساحل وسائل پر قبضہ کرنا ہوتا ہے جبکہ مظلوم کی طرف سے جنگ کا ایک ہی مقصد ہوتا ہے کہ غلامی کی زنجیر کو توڑنا اور ظالم کے ظلم کا منہ توڑ جواب دینا- ظالم ھمیشہ مظلوم کو اپنے مفادات کے لیے غلام بنا کر طاقتور بننا چاہتا ہے- ظالم طاقت کے ذریعے خوف پیدا کرتا ہے، اگر خوفزدہ انسان بے خوف ہو جائے تو طاقتور کی طاقت کمزور ہونی شروع ہو جاتی ہے- طاقتور دراصل خوف کی حدود میں ہی بادشاہی کرتی ہے- آج ھم دیکھتے ہیں کہ پوری دنیا میں زرپرست امن دشمنوں کا راج ہے جو صرف اپنے مفادات کے غلام ہیں- اور اصل میں طاقتور جسے خوف ذدہ رکھنا چاہتی ہے- خود اسی سے ھمیشہ خائف رہتی ہے- کچھ ایسی صورت حال بلوچستان کی ھے جسے ظالم طاقت کے ذریعے اپنے مفادات کی لیے دبانا چاہتی ہے جہاں ظالم نے ظلم کی آخری حدیں بھی پار کردی ہیں، مگر اس کے برعکس حقیقت یہی ہے کہ ظلم جتنا بڑھتا ہے، مزاحمت اتنی ہی تیز ہوجاتی ہے- ظالم کی طرف سے بلوچ کی آواز کو دبانے کے لیے عوام پر طرح طرح کے مظالم ڈھائے جارہے ہیں-

قابض کی طرف سے آئے روز بے گناہ لوگوں کو شہید کرنا، لاپتہ کرنا، اپنے زر خرید چند بلوچ ایجنٹوں کے ذریعے بلوچوں میں انتشار پھیلانے کی کوشش کرنا- خواتین اور بچوں کو وحشیانہ تشدد کا نشانہ بنانا، ظالم نے صرف اسی پر اکتفا نہ کیا جب تمام ہتھکنڈے ناکام ہوئے تو "بائیولوجیکل وار" کا آغاز کیا گیا- علاج کے نام پر انجکشن کے ذریعے انتہائی موذی امراض پھیلاۓ گئے- پینے کے پانی میں زہر آلود مواد ملائے گئے- یہ ساری کاروائیاں جنیوا کنونشن کے خلاف اور عالمی انسانی حقوق کے اداروں کے ماتھے پر سوالیہ نشان ہیں- میں کوئی جنگ کا حامی نہیں مگر ان تمام حالات کے پیش نظر اگر بلوچ جہد کار عدم تشدد کا فلسفہ اپناتے تو ایک دن ھم بھی ریڈ انڈین کی طرح گم نامی کی زندگی بسر کر رہے ہوتے، مگر آج تشدد، تشدد کو ختم کرتی ہے کے فلسفے کو اپنا کر جہد کاروں نے دنیا کے سامنے بلوچ قوم کی ایک مستحکم حیثیت نمایاں کی ہے- آج دنیا کے بیشتر ممالک میں بلوچ مسئلے پر بولا اور لکھا جاتا ہے اور تاریخ بھی ھمین یہی بتاتی ہے کہ آذادی کے لیے جنگیں ہمیشہ ضروری رہی ہیں- آج بلوچ تحریک آذادی اپنے شہدا اور جہد کاروں کی بدولت دوسرے مرحلے میں داخل ہو چکی ہیں- امن پسند اقوام اگر اس خطے میں امن دیکھنا چاھتے ہے تو اس امن کے لیے بلوچ جنگ آذادی کا ساتھ دے- امن کے لیے جنگ ضروری ہے جیسا کہ دنیا میں بہت سے کام ایسے ہیں جنکو روکنے کے لیے پہلے وہ کام خود کرنے پڑھتے ہیں مثال کبھی کبھار کسی کو خاموش رہنے کے لیے کہتے ہو تو پہلے خود اپنی خاموشی توڑتے ہیں- غرض تاریخ میں ھم دیکھتے ہیں کہ جن قوموں نے بے خوف ہوکر ظاقت کا مقابلہ کیا وہ سرخرو ہو گئے اور جو خوف ذدہ ہوکر خائف رہے وہ صفحہ ہستی سے مٹ گئے

صدا وطن کی ہر اک سرحد پر گونجتی ہے

_ اٹھو کہ تم کو وطن کی مٹی پکارتی ہے